COMPONENTS OF NATIONAL POWER



Power  has been described  as an “indivisible whole”.5  By  that is  meant that  though  there could be components or forms of national power,  those components only  complement  one another; such that no nation can for any length of time,  parade any one form of power exclusive of the others. Thus a grate industrial establishment will operate to complement the  military  power of a state, while also enhancing the economic power potentials of that same state.  All of them will work in concert to  imbue  the  state in question  with a great political, and by extension, national power.

            For instance,  the  “military industrial complex” in the  United State is able to function as an index of US power  because it is able to induce and receive inducement(complementarity) from a strong national economy. If for any  reason, the military industrial complex is made to function exclusive of other forms of power, what would be  masquerading as  US power  will be a façade, which will be  exposed in the form of a collapse of the US power  in the long run. This was the  fate that befell Soviet power in the communist era. The military  industrial complex was not only made to operate exclusive of other  forms of power, but it was the façade that was  projected to the world as an index  of  Soviet power. Because it had  no complementarity with  other forms  of power  in the  state,  it had to collapse in the long-run,  and with it,  the Soviet state  itself.
Inspite of this indivisibility or complementarity,  national power for purposes of analysis may be divided  in a  number of ways. This is usually done in a more or less arbitrary  manner.  According to  E.H  Carr,  three  categories  can be delineated: military power,  economic power (which include industrial  power ) and  power over opinion.6 The case for military power has already  been made as  “The  end  argument “.  For  Patmer and Perkins, “national power is in the  final analysis , military power”,  though it is rightly observed  that “military power is a complex of many elements”.7
            In the overall power potential of a state, the case for  economic power can never be over –emphasized.  Economic power has become increasingly inseparable form  both  military power and other  forms of power in a modern state.  It  is common knowledge that in modern warfare,  economics  play as much role  as military or troops  deployment.  The   German state emerged in the 19th  century  as a great power in  Europe largely as a result of  its great leap as an industrial  state. On the other hand, the  Russian Roman empire  suffered a humiliating diminution of its power  and prestige in  the early  20th  century Russo-Japanese   war due essentially  to  the comparative backwardness of the Russian society and   economy to  that   of western Europe and Japan. The example  could be multiplied over and  over again.
            As for the third category, some  may be tempted to accord  it a less significant  status in the power apparatus  of a  state. But this would be  a mistake. Power over opinion, or  propaganda, as  some prefer  to it, is a veritable form of  national power. It must be recognized that the ability  to control or influence a man’s opinions or ideas is more  effective in controlling that man than all the military arsenals  devised by man. At home,  it helps to build and sustain national morale, abroad, it manifests as a weapon of psychological warfare which  may  be  no less effective than the  physical weaponry and other war materials.  It is also used to  recruit allies abroad, and to galvanize world  opinion in  support of ones cause, we may cite the case of CARITAS  and  some international media organizations in galvanizing world  opinion in support and sympathy for the Biafrans  during the  Nigerian/Biafran civil war  in the  1960s. In recent  times,  we  could also recount the role of American international media organizations and their  affiliate, CNN,  VOA, SKYNEWS, etc. in  getting world  opinion to support  America’s  interventions in Haiti, Iraq and Afghanistan
            The  conception of diplomacy as a form of national power has remained controversial, hence its  exclusion by E.H. Carr in his ‘categories of national  power’.  Some would rather prefer that is be considered an element of national power, even though we do not seem to see any much difference between form,  categories or elements of national power.  However, some have tended to describe elements as tantamount to ‘ingredient’, 8 while others prefer the term “attributes”9.
            In any case, diplomacy has been observed to play a vital role in the power portfolio of a state.  Through astute diplomacy, states have been known to achieve foreign policy objective far out of proportion to their power potentials. For instance, though diplomacy of non-alignment, some  supposedly weak and small states acquired some strategic importance which worked to augement their national power.  A  good example  could be cited as former Yugoslavia. Through  astute diplomacy also, Great Britain was able to acquire,  sustain and even augment its colonial possessions in the  19th and early 20th  centuries, which  made it the foremost imperial power of that era. Small states such as Austria,  Switzerland,  Tanzania,  Corte D’voire, etc have had their  national  power and prestige  rejuvenated by either the diplomacy or personal  standing of their leaders or both.
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