INTRODUCTION
Colonialism which may be described as the
extension of control, direct or indirect, over the teritorries and peoples of
other lands, has been an integral part of human civilization and development.
The aim of this paper is to take a precise and indeed
historical look at the colonial experience the African continents in general
and narrow it down more specifically to the Nigeria situation.
Although the stance of the work lies ‘on the
development efforts aimed at rebuilding the Nigerian. state from its colonial
past, a number of intervening situations and variables would be examined in
order to create a better focus upon which our discussion and understanding of
the subject matter would be based.
Independence and self-governance brought new challenges
and impositions. These challenges have to do with the internal contradictions
inherent in the new states and the ability or inability of the indigenous leadership to confront these
problems.
In Nigeria the overriding problem remains the issue of
ethnic integration and national unity. How would the new elite grapple with the
delicate issue of integrating the various nationalities and ethnic groups
making up the union into a functional fabric that would guarantee the
socio-economic and political development of the state.
After more than fifty years of independence, there are
many who argue that Nigeria’s problems could no longer be blamed on colonial
anomalies. This school of thought believes that the indigenous rulers who took
over the reins of power from the colonial masters have not kept faith with the
basic task of nation building.
2. Colonialism:
A Historical Concept
Colonialism, which may be described as the extension
of control, direct or indirect, over the territories and peoples of other lands
has been an integral part of human civilization and development. Nwosu
(2011:185) views colonialisrn as the socio-political and economic domination of
a given society or nation by a foreign power purely for the economic and
related interest of the foreign power. Colonialism is based on a system of
equal relationship between the metropolitan power (the colonizer) and the
indigenous people (the colonized).
Colonialism is a product of the capitalist economic
system which sought to integrate the economies of the world into an organic
dependent relationship. From the mid 15th
century when European powers began the creation of political and
economic outposts in far-flung continents and places, colonialism became a
process of the integration of European supremacy all over the world.
It is instructive to note that Europe at this time was
the centre of global politics and European advancement in the arts, literature,
diplomacy, politics and military science guaranteed its domination of other
parts of the world including the Americas, Africa, Asia, Australia and the
Middle East.
Colonialism is underlined by a master-servant
relationship because the economic and social interests of the higher power take
precedence over the needs and aspirations of the subjugated people. Colonial
relationship is sustained through the use of superior force and brutal
suppression.
Historically, the establishment of political and
economic control over distant lands has been a permanent aspect of human
evolution since the period of the Greeks, Phoenicians, Egyptians and Romans.
The Renaissance focused primarily on parts of Europe when countries like
Spain., Portugal, France, Britain, etc embarked on major adventures and
expeditions across the unknown to discover more of the world, leading to
discoveries of new lands across the oceans. In most of these places so
“discovered”, they established trading and military outposts.
The industrial revolution of the early 18th century
marked a new phase in the colonial quest of the great powers. The need for raw
materials can only be balanced by the need for markets for industrial goods.
The commercial activities at the seaports and designated centres where the
slave trade flourished could no longer meet the demands of the Europeans hence
the need for effective penetration and acquisition of territory. This desire
led to what came to be known as the “great scramble” for and partition of
Africa.
3. European
Contact and the Partition of Africa.
The
first major contact between Africa and Europe was the slave trade. The
Europeans needed cheap labour to work in their plantations and to sustain their
economic well-being in various parts of the world where colonialism was already
flourishing.
Nigerian
territories and coastal areas were important parts of the trade route until the
middle of the 19th century
(Coleman,1986:40) The African continent bore the brutal impact of this trade in
human cargo for a period of over 400 years until the British parliament
outlawed slavery in 1870 (Egbo, 1999).
The abolition of slavery conveniently coincided with
the industrial revolution in Europe. This means that European need has shifted
from cheap labour to cheap raw materials like cotton, palm oil, rubber, gold,
diamond, coal, etc. There was also an urgent need for market outlets to absorb
the array of products being churned out by European industries.
The contact with Africa came in three forms or
batches. The first came as explorers, then missionaries and traders, and
finally commenced the task of colonization, (Ojiakor,1998). During the trade era,
contact was restricted to seaports and other special exchange areas but the
search for raw materials needed greater presence and concentration hence the
penetration into the interior.
What followed was a scramble for territory and spheres
of influence by the contending European powers. Colonization of Africa was
piecemeal through cessation of territories by local and tribal leaders and also
through direct conquest and balkanization. The scramble led to series of confrontations
and armed conflicts between the contending European hawks.
For Europe at the time, the greatest threat to
effective colonization of Africa was not African resistance perse, but the
uncoordinated nature of their approach. Thus, in December 1884, the German
Chancellor, Otto Von Bismarck, convened a conference of major European powers
in Berlin. The purpose of the conference was to ensure a peaceful partition of
the continent. The major powers at the conference, which lasted for two months
were, France, Germany, Great Britain, Belgium, Netherlands, Portugal and Spain.
Also invited were Italy, Denmark, Austria-Hungary, Sweden-Norway, Turkey and
Russia. The US was invited because of its involvements in Liberia but declined
to attend.
The scramble and partition of Africa marked a turning
point in Africa’s natural development and ushered in different political,
economic and socio-cultural disarticulation which was perpetuated by
colonialism.
4.
Consolidation and Indirect Rule
The success of the Berlin Conference brought peace
among the European contenders and laid a legal foundation for colonial conquest
and imperialist activities across the continent. What followed was the process
of consolidation through various methods of conquest and pacification.
The European powers adopted various methods of
administration in managing their respective territories. As a result, the
content and style of colonial rule in Africa was not uniform. Each system was
determined by conditions met on ground and the overriding imperative of the
colonial masters. Historically, the British favoured a characteristic policy of
Association popularly known as “indirect rule”. Indirect rule is a “system of
administration in which the colonial government administered their subjects through
existing traditional political structures or other agencies and intermediaries (Egbo,
2001:29). Indirect rule relied on indigenous authority but with constant advice
and direction from the colonial officials.
Indirect rule was first introduced in Northern Nigeria
where the emirate
system guaranteed its huge success (Ojiakor,1998 :47) in addition to its
centralized nature, the taxation and tribute system which existed in the North
fully accommodated British economic interest.
However, the attempt to enforce this system in the
southern parts of Nigeria presented huge problems. The existing traditional
institutions in the south west were not as strong as what obtained in the north
whereas in the South east, they were none existent. Indirect rule also relied
heavily on the subservient traditional power blocs because the educated elites
were sidelined in the scheme of things. These accounted for the reasons why the
indirect rule system remained chaotic and restive in southern Nigeria
throughout the period of colonial rule. The south became the breeding ground
for agitation and serious opposition to colonial enterprise.
5. Nationalist
Activities and Socio-Political Changes
The word “Nationalism” could have different
connotations and meanings depending on the context of its use. For a free
people, nationalism means a commitment, identification, a patriotic fire and a ‘desire
to be better than others’. For people under foreign domination of any sort,
nationalism simply means a struggle for freedom. The latter description will
best suit our purpose in this work. Nationalist activities therefore became a
co-coordinated struggle to articulate the socio-political outrage of the native
population.
Some
of the issues that gave rise to Nationalist activities in Nigeria and other
colonized areas include the following:
i, The
deliberate exclusion of the local population, especially the educated
elites in political matters.
ii. The
racial policies of the British in matters of residency, social amenities,
salaries and wages and qualitative education.
iii. The
derision of African ways of life as fetish, primitive and barbaric.
iv. The naked exploitation of
African resources for the sole benefit of the
metropolitan country.
v. Lack
of basic rights for the local population and extreme tyranny (Egbo,
2001:19-22)
Through a coordinated struggle, the Nationalist
agitators were able to confront the British authorities on several fronts and
even though these confrontations were nonviolent, many policy changes began
slowly to emerge in response to the demands of the local population. The use of
newspapers, the formation of trade unions, and the creation of political
parties provided huge impetus to the nationalist struggle. From the Clifford
constitution of 1922 to the second phase of the London conference, 1958, the British colonial
government continued to give one concession after the other until Nigerians
were finally considered responsible enough to run their own affairs. The London
Conference of 1958 finally set the date for independence on October 1st 1960.
6. Independence
and
Rebirth
On October 1st
1960, the effort of the Nigerian political elite and nationalist
fighters ushered in a new dawn for the young state with political independence
from the British. It was a period of joy and celebration because there was so
much hope and expectation for the country and its people.
Anyanwu (2004) however views political independence as
commonly a
replacement of alien political authority with indigenous loyal and obedient
servants. What emerged, on closer examination, appears to be an overhaul of
colonial structure and apparatuses at the socio-economic and political levels.
Nwene (1973:9) viewed political independence as “Independence with strings attached”. This is a form of relationship
which guarantees the metropolitan country continued control of the resources
and politics of the new state in an ”… arrangement which permits the continued
exploitation by the industrial west of post independence governments’ natural
and human resources...”
The other aspect of independence which Fanon,
(1966:27) advocates relies on total, complete and absolute substitution of
existing structures and institutions and their replacement with new ones. Such
independence must be based on the rise of a new nation, the setting up of a new
state and its institutions comprising diplomatic relations, economic and
political structures.
In 1960 when Nigeria emerged at the world stage as an
independent state, many of the apparatuses and structures already in place were
bequetted by the British. The question of whether these institutions and
structures would continue to serve the interests of the departing colonial
masters or would they be effectively positioned to serve the needs of a young
emergent state became a boiling issue. In specific and general terms, such
issues depended heavily on the caliber of leadership who have inherited the
reins of power and the ability of the elite that held the state enslaved to its
past. In over fifty years of independence, the ability or lack of it, to chart
a reasonable part of development for Nigeria by her leaders, past and present,
has remained a subject of heat and passion in academic and political circles.
Decolonization for rebirth must be aimed at dismantling
imperialism which remains the debilitating by-product of colonialism. It must
not only be aimed at attainment of political independence but also at
destroying all the obstructive influences and designs that have kept the state
far away from its desired objectives (Fanon, 1966).
7. The Debilitating Effects
of Colonialism
Having
established the dynamics and nature of colonial rule in Nigeria, it is
appropriate to examine what we may consider the debilitating effects of
colonialism on the Nigerian state. Through this process, it would be possible
to establish a logical consequence of colonialism to the nationalist struggle
and the independence that followed. Such ground work will facilitate a better
understanding of the dynamics of contemporary Nigerian politics. This would be
categorized into the political, economic, social and cultural dimensions.
Political
effects: The coercive character of
colonial rule in Nigeria and the rest of Africa were designed to place the
native population in a state of near permanent subservience to imperial
interest. In virtually all colonial territories, there was a pervasive lack of
freedom especially on issue of human rights and political associations. Press
freedom was severely curtailed. There was often no press at all and where it
existed, “was either sponsored by the colonial administration or intimidated
into docility with libel and seditious laws” (Chinweizu, 1978:70).
In virtually all the colonial territories, political
repression, in the form of detention, deportation and banning of opponents of
the colonial administration was frequently used to silence the tide of
nationalist flavour and drastically reduced its tempo. Invariably, the
structure of colonial order based on arbitrariness and illegality were neither modified
nor restructured at independence. The so called emergent leaders of the “New Africa”
began to govern their people with structures and institutions that were not
designed to meet their needs. These nationalist governments had to put on
authoritarian characteristics in order to function. “The behaviour of many
African leaders today is a replication of the colonial tendencies” (Barongo,
1980:150).
Contemporary African leaders still use the same weapon
which the colonial master relied upon in silencing opposition and containing
conflict, Colonial rule was essentially a one-party state which relies on
perpetuation, abhorrence of opposition, and political repression.
Economic effects: Colonialism exerted enormous pressure on the economic
development of Africa. Our aim here is not to go into the modus of colonial
manipulation of Africa’s economic life as this has been amply accommodated by
many studies around the world. Our desire is to establish how the process of
colonial administration created antagonistic relations of production and
exchange and introduced into African societies factors of underdevelopment,
dependency and endemic poverty. (Barongo, 1980:149) traced the origin from
“first the mercantilist system then consolidated by the introduction of the
capitalist mode of production and finally consummated by the long reign of
colonial rule”
Many studies have substantiated that the economies of
African countries are highly dependent on a world economic system dominated by
the developed capitalist countries and these create conditions of dependence,
underdevelopment and poverty,(Borongo, 1980, Chinweizu, 1978 and Rodney, 1972).
The origin of this hopeless situation lies in the
European penetration and dislocation of the traditional economies through the
monopolization of trade and monetization of African economic life. This
situation stemmed from the exploitative posture of the European trading firms,
mining companies, shipping lines, banks, insurance houses and plantations. (Rodney,
1972) submits that the factor of dependency made its impact felt in every
output of the life of the colonies, and it can be regarded as the crowning vice
among the negative social, political and economic consequences of colonialism
in Africa being primarily responsible for the perpetuation of the colonial
relationship into the epoch that is called neo colonialism.
Socio-Cultural Effects: European religion and education were the instruments
used in reshaping and remodeling the average African. Western education
significantly influenced the thinking and sensibilities of the African and
filled him with new complexes and perceptions. Colonial education inculcated
individual ethos that weakened the African identity, destroyed their communal
heritage and erased a unique sense of patriotic responsibility, (Chinweizu,
1978).
Colonialism
also tried to dismantle African culture and traditional ways of life. While
some practices were derided and condemned as fetish and unchristian others were
ascribed various untoward and inferior identities. Colonial literature
portrayed Africans as savages and barbarians who had to be redeemed by the
benevolent and civilizing white men.
In a post independent Nigeria, as in many African
countries, colonialism has left behind seriously dislocated social and
political systems. It instituted corruption, ethnicism, nepotism and other
vices prevalent in our national life. Their multi-variant attributes have
contributed to the persistent state of unending political, social and economic
decay in the new states.
8. The
Process of Rebuilding and Reconstruction.
When we talk about rebuilding and reconstruction, it
creates a scenario which predisposes one to an understanding of a prevailing
state of disorder, decay, confusion, disarticulation, general destruction,
rubbles and ruin. This twin concept creates a desperate condition of desolation
and despondency, so despicable that it requires frantic efforts and urgency of
purpose for reinvention, amendment and reform necessary to put the system back on
the path of functionality.
The process of rebuilding and reconstruction could be
likened to a conscious and. organized struggle to dismantle neo-colonialism and
imperialism in all its tangible and intangible guises.
The process and practice of rebuilding and reconstruction
must transcend political independence otherwise we remain a client state. The
process must have as its ultimate goal the following aggregates as raison
d’etre:
(i) Identification
and destruction of the structures of neo-colonialism and
imperialism
no matter how firmly rooted they have become. This can be achieved through a
comprehensive and fundamental overhaul of the institutions and structures
inherited from the colonial regime.
(ii) Establishing
people-oriented democratic models which must derive its authority solely from
the legitimate will of the people and not based on the dictates and
manipulations of the elites. In other words, elite interest must give way to
the interest of the people and political participation must have clear ideological
orientation and grass-root persuasion.
(iii) Discourage
the persistence of a client-patron relationship between African states and its
firmer colonial powers.
(iv) There
must be a conscious struggle to put an end to various forms of human
exploitation and deliberate alienation of certain groups from the mainstream of
socio-economic relationships and political intercourse.
(v) Our
foreign policy and international relations must be based on national interest
and the African personality and objectives that are developed on clear cut
principles and fundamentals.
(vi) Our
economic policies and programmes will continue to stultify growth and
development unless competition and expansion of the economy are allowed to
flourish in a carefully regulated environment.
(vii) Nigeria
and other African countries have remained primary producers of raw materials.
The time has come to move beyond this level. The need to acquire the ability to
transform these primary products is long overdue. Despite our countless universities
of technology and research institutions, we lack the rudimentary basics of
industrial processing. It is time to acquire this technology through whatever
available means.
There are however, other factors which must merit
attention when issues like these are on the table. Nigeria at independence was
a net exporter of primary products which suddenly gave way to petroleum
products following the discovery of oil. Rather than expand the productive
capacity of the economy, the government engaged in distribution and increased
dependence on external and luxury goods. Other sectors of the economy were
completely neglected. Nigeria therefore remained a mono economy susceptible to
the pulls and pushes in the international oil market. This situation has constrained
the pace of its development.
Despite the views often advanced by schools of radical
persuasion, Nigerians inability to develop cannot be attributed solely to
colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism or other escapist theorizations. The
fact remains that our domestic economic structure is very weak. Those at the
helm have failed woefully in the task of nation building. Corruption and
deliberate mismanagement from 1960 till date has done more harm to Nigeria than
a thousand years of colonialism. There is need for economic revival as a
consequence of the rebuilding and reconstruction process in order to face the
challenges of globalization if we must remain relevant in the contemporary
scheme of world events. We must draw lessons from the activities of the Asian
Tigers - Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea including Thailand.
Malaysia and Vietnam if Nigeria must chart a new course in economic
transformation. (Akinbola, 1999:65).
Rebuilding Nigeria goes beyond mere rhetorics. Our
leaders should know this and indeed they do. What they lack is the will to act.
In order to ensure success in this regard science and technology should be made
a formidable part of the key strategic area of national development. There is a
desperate need to fundamentally transform the nation’s educational capacity,
health care system, agricultural output and industrial development.
Due attention must also be given to information
technology and telecommunication. In the contemporary world system information
technology has a vital influence on the global economic movement. A key factor
here is power supply. Over the years, the issue of power supply has become
intractable and successive government have continued to record huge failure in
this regard. Steady power supply and at
a reasonable cost remain the foundation for critical development activities.
Another challenge is anchored on economic
liberalization of capital, opening new markets and attracting new investments.
It is also important here to keep in check the activities of multinational
corporations and capital flow to avoid unregulated economic activities, which
according to (Usman ,1999:58),
… will ensure
increased domestic savings, continued reform of the domestic financial sector, opening up to foreign
capital inflow, while simultaneously protecting the country from the huge
destabilizing effects of short-term speculative capital inflows; and together
with other developing countries continue to champion the necessity for the
reform of the global financial system that ensures shared prosperity…
9.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The last segment of the
paper has dealt extensively on the strategies for reconstruction and
growth of the Nigerian state not only from the economic standpoint but from
other important areas of deve1opment.
The paper, which set out to examine the general impact
of colonialism on Nigeria and strategies for reconstruction, took a historical
look at colonialism and the various stages of its debilitating effects on
Nigeria’s political and socio-economic formations. Several factors were
identified as impediments to growth vis-a-vis the serious challenges ahead.
Although we have outlined the strategies and processes
through which these challenges could be overcome in the body of the work, we
considered it pertinent to
make precise recommendations as a key point of departure.
i. Unless
the fight against corruption is meaningful and realistic. Nigeria cannot make
progress. The anti-corruption war must be institutionalized and stringent
punishment meted out to the offenders. So far the war against corruption has
remained a huge joke. No administration in Nigeria, past or present, has shown
the requisite courage in this regard.
ii. Those
who committed economic crimes must not be shielded with immunity in any form.
Economic sabotage is Nigeria’s greatest problem. It has become a national
catastrophe and those responsible ought to be treated as treasonable offenders.
iii. There
is need for greater emphasis on human capital development in both measurable
and sustainable terms. Nigeria does not invest in human capital because our
priorities as a nation are hideously lopsided.
iv. Creating
an acceptable and accommodating political and economic environment for
effective synergization between the public and private sectors should be
encouraged. These two bodies should work as partners in order to achieve
reasonable success.
v. Promoting
the principles of the rule of law, justice and fairness as the yardstick for
interpersonal and inter-group relationship at all levels is a key factor. In
Nigeria the rule of law remains a joke. What we have here could best be
described as the law of the rulers. Let us note that no nation can ever make
progress without total submission to the overwhelming supremacy of the law and
constitution.
vi.
Equitable allocation of resources that would guarantee a decent standard of
living for all and sundry. There is too much denial in Nigeria. There is too
much hunger, poverty and hopelessness because those who can do it continue to
oppress those who cannot and the state is helpless in its regulatory function.
vii. Increased
investment in the agricultural sector with emphasis on mechanization, improved
yield and fertilizer procurement to ensure food security. Nigeria today cannot
feed its population and this is a serious blight on the reputation and
capability of Africa’s most populous country.
viii. Rejection
of foreign loans that may have negative strings or conditionalities. We should
aim to see foreign loans and aid as counterpart investment not handouts that go
with dehumanizing conditions and impositions.
ix. Reformation
of the public sector to promote productivity and growth should be regarded as a
matter of national urgency.
x. Democracy
must be allowed to take root in Nigeria as is being experienced in some Africa
countries. Elections should reflect the will of the citizens not the designs of
the clique at the helm. The greatest ingredient of development is free and fair
elections. If our votes begin to count, those who manage our affairs would
begin to listen to us because they are now accountable to the people.
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REBUILDING
NIGERIA FROM THE RUINS
OF
COLONIALISM
DEPARTMENT
OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
ABIA STATE
UNIVERSITY, UTURU