THE PRACTICABILITY OF PAN-AFRICANISM, KWAME NKURMAH’S CRITICAL APPRAISAL



SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY

PG/PH.D - SEMINAR I

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR SEMINAR I


 


CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1       BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
            Pan-Africanism as a philosophy represents the aggregation of the historical, spiritual, cultural, artistic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. It is usually seen as a product of the European slave trade, rather than as something arising in the continent of Africa itself. Enslaved Africans of diverse origins and their descendants found themselves embedded in a system of exploitation where their African origin became a sign of their servile status. Pan Africanism sets aside cultural differences, asserting the principality of these shared experiences to foster solidarity and resistance to exploitation.
            Pan-Africanism came into being, not as an abstract idea, in pursuit of an empty idea but as a result of suffering of alienated consciousness of Africans and peoples of African decent living in Britain and America towards the end of the 19th century. In summary, pan-Africanism can be truly said to have been born of a struggle of people (blacks) against alienation, discrimination, exploitation and all sorts of maltreatment and degradation in Africa. The struggle is also for unity, dignity and equality of black people everywhere.
1.2       Statement of the Problem
            The practicability of pan-Africanism; Kwame Nkrumah’s Critical Appraisal as a topic of this seminar has problems associated to it. The researcher having known fully-well that it has been said that Africans can not be united, because we lack the three basic ingredients for unity which are: common race, culture and language wishes to find out to what extent the above assertion has been actualized.
            Another problem that this seminar identified is, if we agree that Africa should unite, under one central government, one might ask, which language are we to speak, English, German, French, etc? Another is which currency are we to use, Naira, Pounds, Dollars etc and which political system do we operate with? Can Pan-Africanism be practicalized in a continent where there are both cultural and ethnic differences as Africa?
1.3       Purpose of the Study
            This seminar work aims to examine and critically analyze “the practicability of Pan-Africanism Kwame Nkrumah’s critical Appraisal”. At the end of this seminar, we shall see if the practical ways set out by Kwame Nkrumah, actually led to the unification of Africa as a continent. It also hopes to solve the problem identified in the statements of the problem.
1.4       Scope of Study
            This seminar is limited to Africa and views of some nationalists as regard Pan-Africanism, but is most centered more on Nkrumah’s practicability of Pan-Africanism.
1.5       Significance of the Study
            The significance of this seminar is that it will help incoming researchers on the activities of some Pan-Africans as Kwame Nkrumah and others in trying to unite the African continent. It will also occur to our minds that Africans time immemorial have not relented in finding a lasting solution to liberate African from the erroneous conception of the Europeans on the black race.
1.6       Method of the Study
            The research seminar was carried out by means of consulting available works already done on this issue, library research method; materials were sourced from magazines and relevant journals. The methodology is critical, expository and conceptual analysis of Kwame Nkrumah’s practicability of Pan-Africanism.


  

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This seminar will as much as possible belabour on what other scholars, authors and people have opined about the topic in question. Therefore, this seminar will be considering the views of different African philosophers or nationalists on the meaning of Pan-Africanism and how pan-Africanism can be practicalized.
            Pan-Africanism is a socio-political world view, philosophy, and movement which seeks to unite native African members in Diaspora into a “global African community” for W.E.B Dubois in the book African Social and Political Philosophy Selected Essays, sees Pan-Africanism as an “intellectual understanding and co-operation among all groups of African descent in order to bring about the industrial and spiritual emancipation of the Negro people”1,
            In the same way, Osia Kopiyo, in the book A Guide to Geography sees Pan-Africanism as an effort to unite Africans that were taken hostage as slavery, during colonial period, it became a political idea that was an option believed to be better for the continent of Africa. (free encyclopedia). Eze Nwokereke, as well attests to this view in his book: Trends and Perspectives in African Socio-Political Philosophy, “that it must be noted that the foundation for this search for self-liberation. Self realization and self-survival in the African continent by Africans was amply laid in the Pan-Africanism movement and was regarded as the vision and beacon of hope and liberation, as well a philosophy of social action for the Blackman or the African”.2
            Frantz fanon, in his book. The wretched of the Earth, sees Pan-Africanism as essentially a “No” to death and begets death, and a “yes” for life fanon as well conceived it thus:
The suffering of self humiliation on the part of blacks gave rise to a “No” that is to say, revolt to their state of oppression, and worth of a black people. Pan-Africanism was all about a revolt to a state of serfdom and degraded humanity and a consciousness of the new will to live as a dignified free Africans and people of African decent”.3                    

Eze Nwokereke in the aforementioned book mode fanon’s opinion clear thus: “Pan-Africanism is rather regarded as a dialectical movement of a “No” and a “Yes”. It is an attempt to say “No” to injustice, indignity, unfreedom of Africans and people of African decent living in alien countries such as European and American; and “yes”, to unity, solidarity, pride, independence, advancement of African and Africans through the globes4. Nkrumah in the book, Basic World Political Theories, Sees “Pan Africanism as a unique cultural and spiritual movement for the promotion of negritude as well an international congress turned into a strong movement for African unity”5. 
Nkrumah, a radical nationalist and the proponent of Pan-Africanism believes that “the true and complete independence of Africa can only be achieved as a united people with a common goal”6. He wrote books that aided his ambition, the following books written by Nkrumah are as follows: towards colonial freedom (1962), African Must Unite(1963), conscienceism (1964) autobiography (1965).
Eze Nwokereke in his attempt to contribute also said that “Pan-Africanism came into being not as an abstract concept or an empty ideal but as a result of suffering of alienated consciousness of Africans and people of Africans decent living in Britain and in American towards the end of the 19th century”7.
            In a nutshell, this seminar work is aimed at substantiating the opinions of the reviewed literatures, that Pan-Africanism is a movement formed for the regaining of the test, value, essence, pride and dignity etc which Africans both home and in Diaspora suffered from the Europeans. It is also a reaction against man’s inhumanity to man in which Africa experienced from their colonial masters.
            Pan-Africanism can be seen as a positive action towards the unification of all Africans. It is a movement for self liberation, self-awareness, and self-independence and self-value etc. Pan-Africanism is also seen as a movement against slavery, colonialism and imperialism etc Pan-Africanism is a philosophy, because it entails a unitary action and self critique of people.
            Looking at the authors view on the practicability of pan-Africanism, in the book titled: Basic World Political Theories,
Nkrumah Opines:
The first step could be the organization and mobilization of labour and youth, mass political education of the colonial peoples (he warns against an enslaving type of colonial education-like the white intelligentsia under black skin), training and employing from the best man-power and employing from the best man-power and resources we have in the youth. The aim is to wipe out completely colonialism and imperialist domination the effort must start with the national liberation movements6.
Kwame Nkrumah, in his book Africa Must Unite, has this to say
In the liberation movement free press, is a sinequa non. It should inform and train the people towards full dependence and development, it should be anti-colonial. It should awaken a true African consciousness and assist the spread of African nationalism”.7
The promotion of this view took practical dimension in the formation of convention of Peoples Party in 1949 in Ghana other formations. Nyerere was not left out, had this to say,”a united government must not be a unitary type of government, it can as well be a federal state, with the division of powers between the centre and the constituted parts determined in accordance to the wishes of the founder”.8
           
END NOTE
1.         Okolo Chukwudubem B., African Social and Political Philosophy, Selected                                                           Essays, Nsukka. (Fulladu Publishing Co 1993), 43.
2.         Eze Nwokereke, Trends and Perspectives in African Social-Political Philosophy, Enugu (Copy Craft Publication Inc, 2005), 31.
3.         Fanon Frantz, The wretched of the Earth, London (Groove Weidenfeld, 1965). 29-30
4.         Eze Nwokereke, Trends and Perspective in African Socio-Political Philosophy, Enugu (Copy Craft Publication Inc. 2005) 32.
5.         Mathew I. Nwoko, Basic World Political Theories, Owerri (Claritin Institute of Philosophy 1998)220
6          _____________ Mathew I. Nwoko, Basic World Political Theories, Owerri (Claritin Institute of Philosophy 1998) 217
7.         Nkrumah Kwame, Africa Must Unite, London (Panaf Books Ltd, 1963). 56
8.         Nyerere, Julius “Requirement of African Unity” Gideon Mutiso and S.W. Rotio (Eds) in Readings in African Political Thoughts, Heinemann (Education Publication ltd 2007) 330.


  

CHAPTER THREE
THE OVERVIEW OF PAN-AFRICANISM
3.1       Pan-Africanism as a philosophy.
            This did not begin as a pursuit of empty or abstract idea but as a result of impoverishment, alienation, man’s inhumanity to man, that Africans both at home and in diaspora encountered. Pan-Africanism grew out of 19th century efforts to end slavery and slave trade. At this time, blacks world wide were being oppressed. As a result of these events, black people world wide began to realize that they faced common problems (slavery, colonization, and racism) and that it would be to their benefit to work together in an effort to solve these problems.
Goals of Pan-Africanism which are, “the re-examination of African history from African perspective as opposed to a pro-European perspective and a return to traditional African concepts about culture, society and values. Asiegbu in his Lecture note on African Socio-political Philosophy maintains that philosophy of Pan-Africanism is seen in two perspectives, positive and negative aspects. When Pan-Africanism is seen in a negative dimension, it is considered only as a reaction against the anti-human condition, indignity and impoverishment that Africans in disapora suffer, while positively Pan-Africanism is a fight for freedom, unity, black dignity, independence of African states and their people. The founding fathers of pan-Africanism recognized that, they are persons of one race, of a common historical background, of a common identity, they are of a race whose culture, and wealth and personality have been taken away. As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual artistic, scientific and philosophical legacies of Africans from past to the present. Pan-Africanism as a philosophy is also a belief that African people have a common bond and share common objectives, aimed ultimately at unifying themselves on their own content as a dignified race.
According to C.B. Okolo, in his book African Social and Political Philosophy, Selected Essays says that “Pan-Africanism as a movement became for Africa, a Philosophy of survival, a gateway to a new being”1 The point above is to establish the fact that Pan-Africanism was not solely a social movement that had political consequences in the lives of a people namely Africans and those African descent dispersed through out the globe.
3.2       Pan-Africanism as a Will to Live
            Asiegbu, in his lecture note on African Social-Political Philosophy, says that Pan-Africanism as a will to live arouse as a result of the suffering, radical exploitation, segregation etc. It is these factors that forced the founding fathers to establish pan-Africanism as a will to live. It is in the sense of alienated consciousness which became an impulse for some African at least in the new world to resist self-humiliation, death, man’s inhumanity to man etc. and to affirm freedom, liberation, and the worth of black people.
Pan-Africanism goes to fight indignity and empowers them and made them to recognize the fact that, they possess that in which the whites have, instead of looking at them as a sub-human. Pan-Africanism as a will to live helped Africans to see a new light and urge them to come together as one family to fight this indignity.
 So, Pan-Africanism as a well to live meant a new lease of life for Africans the over-coming of hopelessness, poverty, racial degradation and insults of yester-years and the dawn of future greatness and unity for Africa and Africans.
3.3       Pan-Africanism as a Will to Power
            Pan-Africanism was not a mere theory or rhetoric, mere sing-song and resolutions. It is a philosophy of action and consequently a will to power. “The strong do what they can; the weak suffer what they must”. Consequently, the founding fathers and promoters of the Pan-Africanism movement saw power as basic to all living being as did Nietzsche, definitely, as important to the blacks. They needed to act not from weakness, ignorance, poverty, oppressed condition etc but from power.
            Pan-Africanism, on the other hand, is essentially linked with not only “black pride” but “black Power” as well, not with the ideal but the means to attain the ideal. Black power, a key theme of pan-Africanism, arose out of the powerlessness of the black man in the face of white power and its aim was to address itself effectively to the problems of white power structure. To further discuss the pan-Africanism as a will to power, Nkrumah in the book African Social and Political Philosophy Selected Essay, sees black power as;
Part of the world rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, of the exploited against the exploiter. It operates through the African continent in North and South America, the Caribbean wherever Africans and people of African decent live. It is linked with Pan African struggle, for unity on the African continent and all those who strive to establish a socialist society.2

C.B. Okolo in the same book attests to this view, when he asserts that this is one of the reasons the black power movement such as Ujama, Negritude and Pan-Africanism have always had an appeal to the masses since they clearly understand their goals and means to those goals.3
Their spokesmen and long-time advocates like Nkrumah are rightly aware that the oppressed and the exploited are often without power and that those who have power have everything, those without power have nothing.

3.4       Pan-Africanism as a Social Action
            In an attempt to discuss Pan-Africanism as a social action, Chukwudubem Okoro Opines that, “it was meant to revolutionalize Africa, the condition of the African Society”4. For Julius Nyerere in his article “the intellectual Pan-Africanists and the question of African Unity” from the Wikipedia, a free encycle Pedia, asserts that “Pan-Africanism meant self-determination on all matters, economic, political, social, ideological and cultural. To demonstrate this, he made a cultural choice by adopting an indigenous language, Swahili as both the national and official language. In so doing, Nyerere recognized the role of language in the development of cultural authenticity and national unity. The specific aim will be to demonstrate the power of a common indigenous language to not only foster African unity by accommodating and managing diversity, but also to express its identity and articulate its concerns for collective action and share solution to achieve growth and development.
            .
END NOTE
1.         Okolo Chukwudubem, B., African Social and Political Philosophy, Selected Essays, Nsukka (Fulladu Publishing Co, 1993) 102.
2.         Ibid 73
3.         Ibid 74
4.         Ibid 155


  

CHAPTER FOUR
NKRUMAH AND THE AFRICAN DREAM
4.1       Historical Background of Kwame Nkrumah
            “Kwame Nkrumah was born at Nkroful in the then Gold coast, now Ghana and died at Buchan rest in Romania, very outspoken African and first president of Ghana after achieving its independence in 1957.”1 He spent years in USA which he said that:
“ I spent almost ten years in the United States of America, studying and working for a living; teaching and carrying out my own private researches” it is during this period that he wrote consciencism, this is why he said in consciencism “the ten years which I spent in the United States of America represents a crucial period in the development of my philosophical conscience”3

In the pursuit of the aims and objectives of Pan-Africanism, it gradually through the international congress turned into a strong movement for African unity. In the fifth Pan-African congress, Nkrumah was an outstanding active secretary that organized the congress. “This time, Pan-Africanism took entirely an active orientation towards African nationalism. The avant – gardes were the workers, trade unionists, farmers, students from Africa” 4 .Nkrumah emphasizes that the independence of some of the states prove nothing as long as other states were not independent. He asserted that “Liberation must be total, and continental”5. The aim of this “Africa Must Unite” as the title also represents, is the promotion of Unity of the entire Africa.

4.2       Nkrumah and the Critique of Pan-Africanism.
            Pan-Africanism was mearnt  to underscore blackism outside the shores of Africa by her descendants who were alienated in America and Britain. On this note, Eze Nwokereke has this to say;
Pan-Africanism came into being not as an abstract idea, in pursuit of an empty ideal, but as s a result of suffering of alienated consciousness of African and people of Africa descent living in Britain and in America towards the end of the 19th centtury6.
Kwame Nkrumah Criticized Marcus Garvey for asserting “that his own (Garvey) Pan-African ideology was concerned with black nationalism as opposed to African nationalism”7
                So, the ideas of Pan-Africanism emerged out of the ravages of imperialism, racism, slavery and colonialism as well represents an idea higher than the mere notion of being in advocacy of black dignity.
4.3       Nkrumah and Pan-African Agencies
Nkrumah in his book Africa Must Unite”, Opines that, “there are those who maintain that Africans cannot unite because, we lack the three necessary ingredient for unity, a common race, culture and language8. Nkrumah used agencies as OAU to achieve his objective of liberating African continent from the hands of the colonizers (white men). African students and media were used. The book, Understanding the Contemporary African, has it “that although the creation and continued functioning of the organization of African union have been described as a Nvictory for Pan-Africanism”9.  
4.4       Nkrumah’s Ideology for New African As a way to Development
            . Nweke in his book Ideology and Politics, quoting Macridis, asserts that “an ideology consists of a set of ideas and beliefs through which we perceive the outside world and act upon our information”.10 Also Nnamid Azikiwe in his book titled: Ideology for Nigeria, capitalism, socialism or welfares assents that “revolutions are brought about by men, who think as men of action and act as men of thought”.11
            In appraisal of Nkrumah, Chuba Okadigbo in his book conciencism in Africa, political philosophy asserts that “with commendable zest and enterprise, Nkrumah successfully stimulated and lobbied the tree African states into a union, the organization of African unity (O A U)”12 . So, Okadigbo Maintains that, his critique of conciencism, will be based on the conviction that Nkrumah was activated more by what he felt African should be, than by a realistic appraisal of what Africa is.

END NOTES
1.         Mathew .I. Nwoko, Basic World Political Theories, Owerri (Claretain Institute of Philosophy, 1998). 217.
2.         Nkrumah Kwame, Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization and Development (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1964)1.
3.         Nkrumah       P. I
4.         Nwoko, 220,
5          Nwoko  221
6.         Eze Nwokereke, Trends and Perspective in African Socio-Political Philosophy, Enugu (Copy Craft Publication Inc, 2005) 31.
7.         Okolo Chukwudubem B., African Social and Political Philosophy, Selected Essays, Nsukka: (Fulladu Publishing Co, 1993) 148.
8.         Nkrumah Kwame, Africa Must Unite London (Panaf Books ltd 1963) 132.
9.         __________, Understanding Contemporary Africa, a Gordon and Donald Gordon (eds), Lynne: (Reinner Pub. 1966)16
10           ________Nkrumah Kwame, understanding contemporary Africa, a Gordon and Donald Gardon (eds), Lynne (reinner publication 1966) 136.
11.       Nweke Eugene. N., Ideology and Politics, Enugu (Published by PAQON Press Services, 2004) 3
12.       Azikiwe Nnamdi, Ideology for Nigeria Capitalism, Socialism or Welfarism, Lagos (Macmillan Co, 1978) 73.
13.       Okadigbo, Chuba, Consciencism in African Political Philosophy. Nkrumah’s Critique, Enugu (Fourth Dimension Publishing Co ltd, 1985)20.


 

CHAPTER FIVE
            EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION     
5.1       Evaluation
            In an attempt to proffer ways for an authentic African unity, the avant-gardes of African nationalism have produced a thousand and move theories. But Nkrumah is distinguished from these nationalists for his attempt to unite Africa in a common front via Pan- Africanism. To many misinformed, ignorant and selfish Europeans, Africans are nothing but barbaric, illiterate and pre-logical human beings or black folks. We Africans know quite well that we are better to the derogatory words used by the Europeans to prefer to African descent. Africa embraces the whole lot of people inhibiting the part of the world facing south of the Sahara. It is to this segment of the worlds populations with the second highest land stretch that Nkrumah’s pan- Africansm is based. He raised so many issues in the bid of developing pan- Africaism as well as liberation credo. This seminar appraises those issues and makes some resolutions in connection to its practicability.
            The overall interest of Nkrumah is to unite Africa no matter what; it is this desire, curiosity, urges feeling and interest that energized Nkrumah in a remarkable way. Another major thing that led to this desire to unite Africa is nothing but colonialism, subjection and alienation which Africa suffered from the hands of the Europeans. Due to this man’s inhumanity to man that Africans experienced from the Europeans, Nkrumah made so many moves, which at one time or the other contradicted his overall intentions especially the issues of pan- Africanism and its philosophical base consciencism and the centralized African government. This seminar work runs a critical analysis on the issues.
            First, as to the doubt raised by some people concerning the unity of Africa because of the diversities in race, culture and language, Nkrumah opines in his article “towards African unity” in the book. Readings in African Political Thought, that “these could be overcome by the stronger forces that bind the Africans”1 Nwoko in his book, Basic World Political Theories, asserts that this constitutes a weak argument, as would W.E Abraham submission that the concept of Africa has come to mean so many things about which there has been no consensus as to resolving the dissenting opinion. For instance, the Africa of pre-colonial era impresses upon Africa a different idea from that of the Africa of the colonial period and after-wards. To this end, “the idea of Africa is not one and cannot form the basis of the Nkrumah’s kind of unity espoused in his pan- Africanism”.2
            Nkrumah advances that the mere knowledge of the Africa being of one race is enough to unite Africa; still, Africa cannot claim any racial homogeneity, as there were multiple races prior to the advent of colonialism. During the period of population shift, Africans mingled with other races, through which we have the Bantus, Mongoloids, Caucasians etc these races have their distractive cultures which are at one time or the other contradictory to the others. Therefore, race is not necessarily a uniting factor.
            Further on, can Africa really unite in Nkrumah’s context considering the high rate of language diversity in Africa? No! This is because language is divisive rather than unifying factor. There are more than eight hundred languages spoken by more than eight hundred ethnic groupings in Africa and colonialism brought more languages as English, French, Portuguese etc if for instance the dream of Nkrumah’s central African government, which for him, would enhance African unity come true, the polemics of the official language of administration must rear its head. If we realize the dream of one Africa, which of the numerous languages in Africa will be used? We should know that Africans are products of diverse colonial language experiences.
            The above diversity in language gave rise to corresponding difference in operation and administration, with consequent varieties of ideologies. This is evident on how the African nationalists developed varying social, economic and political theories. Based on the varying ideological blocs, the issue of African unity through Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanism proves difficult.
            To this end, ideological differences pose a serious set back on Nkrumah’s pan-Africanism. At times, some of these African social theories claim that the practice of African socialism will help in returning Africa to her roots. But this is smacks of obscurantism, why?  This is because this does not prove Africa accommodative of other better theories that have proved more satisfactory or encouraging, for instance, democracy is the most currently practiced form of government. But if Africa insists to remain with socialism as Nkrumah advices them, we shall be professing traditionalism instead of modernism and its concomitant modernization.
            Further more, socialism of other theorists apart from Nkrumah recognized brotherhood and family system as part and parcel of African socialism. This attitude does not encourage private ownership of properties and abhorred segregation. But it is part of human nature to take or lay claim to property. Any how again, this kind of way of life shuns industry and competition, it stifles effort. Therefore, the
Africa of new age cannot advance with socialism, with its criteria of the happiness of the greatest number even nothing as to  advance her to  the frontiers of Science and technological success. Nkrumah who is advocating for a return to tradition or that this socialism should be based on the two concepts that characterizes Africa tradition which are egalitarianism and communalism, went ahead to involve himself with Marxist type of socialism. No wonder Nkrumah was dethroned through coup even before he could realize the dream of African unity. And the reality of dialectical does not encourage stagnation but revolves into new thesis to antithesis and synthesis and infinitum. All these lapses found to Nkrumah doctrine of Pan- Africanism and its philosophical consciencism base,is a pointer to its inadequacy in fostering African unity in the front of central government as Nkrumah hoped and thought.
            In the same taken, religion also poses wedge to Pan-Africanism. Nkrumah would have known that so long as tradition, Islam and euro-Christianity contradicted one another that their products would also be different. With the conservation of tradition of dogma of euro- Christianity, a perfect unity envisioned by Nkrumah is illusory in Africa, which is immersed in these traditions. If Africa should unite under the umbrella of “one government” the issue of which religion becomes that of the states will not be an easy nut to crack. Even if the African state will be secularized, religions and ideologies attending them cannot. The failure of Nkrumah to provide authentic criteria for African unity renders his pan-Africanism insufficient.
            As a result of the above highlighted insufficiencies of Nkrumah’s pan- Africanism, Africa can only work toward “unity in diversity. This is also an official caveat towards realizing a sustainable African unity. This form of unity hold better prospect than Nkrumah’ branch of unity proposed in his pan-Africanism. Under this culture of unity in diversity “each state of African will be able to command its own history under the perspective of her experience. But in doing this greater care should be taken to avoid keeping Africa once again on the path of neo-colonialism, which is representative of colonial presence in another form. To be able to achieve this objective, the relevance of organization of African unity (OAU) which has been renamed “African union (AU) cannot be overlooked.
5.2              Conclusion
The efforts of Nkrumah’s thought on Africa unity cannot be easily slowed down by any kind of conspiracy be it foreign or local. In him (Nkrumah) is a representation of detribalized mind, and the whole effort of this work has been to outline some of his ideals in relation to African unity. Although, this Seminar is able to present the insufficiency of his unassuming pan-African unity can be paused on the platform of “unity in diversity”. Some remarks have to be made here, if all current heads of states in Africa should abide by the ideals of Nkrumah, by challenging all forces of imperialism.
Africa will be a heaven of prosperity, advancement and development, proper care should be taken for efficient harnessing of our abundant natural and human endowments for development and transformation. This will help to ensuring that those who had taken over areas of Africa without the agreement of the Africa could be made to hand over.It is important to note that for us to actually achieve the dream of oneness to truly come to pass; we (Africans) must learn how to tolerate each other knowing that, we have a target to achieve, not withstanding the fact that we are people with diverse language, culture and race.
We should also note that the perfected ideal for all Africans should be to unite. So that the long history of socio political and economic miss administration, incompetence, instability and tenderfoot will be a forgotten issue. Nkrumah’s ideals of pan-Africanism should be our map, staff and Compass for direction despite some of its insufficiencies which has been supplied in this seminar. Let it also be made known that the present wars ravaging various sections of Africa are not healthy for the desired “unity in diversity” which we aspire. For instance, in our country (Nigeria) we suffer tribalism, Segregation, discrimination and the genocide killings by northern religious sect (Boko Haram) are the talks of the day, which ought not to be in order to achieve the desired end for our dream to be actualized. There should be this spirit of oneness, we should not discriminate from one another, and we are one race, people from one ancestral origin. Finally, let each country debunk discrimination in Africa, then progress and development will come in.     


 


BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES
Azikiwe Nnamdi, Ideology for Nigeria Capitalism, Socialism or Welfarism, Lagos: Macmillan Co, 1979.

Fanon Frantz, the Wretched of the Earth, London: Groove Weidenfeld, 1965.


Hornby, A.S., Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary 5th Ed; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.


Nkrumah Kwame, Connsciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization and Development, London: Heineman Educational Books, 1964.

Nkrumah Kwame, Africa Must Unite, London: Panaf Books Ltd, 1963.

Understanding Contemporary Africa, A Gordon and Donald
Gardon (Eds), Lynne: Reinner Publication, 1966.

Okadigbo, Chuba, Consciences in African Political Philosophy. Nkrumah’s Critique, Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co Ltd, 1985.

SECONDARY  SOURCES
Anozie Stanley and Nweke Romans (Eds), Africa and Challenges of 21st Century, Human Rights, Justice, Peace and Development: Enwisdomization Journal vol. 1 No 3. Owerri: Seat of wisdom publication, 2000.
                    
Asiegbu M.F. Unpublished Lecture Note on African Socio-Political Philosophy, 2008.

Eze Nwokereke, Trends and Perspective in African Sociopolitical Philosophy, Enugu: Copy Crafts Publication Inc, 2005.

Goodness Bible, with Deuterocanonical Books, Today’s English version, 2006.

Mathew .I. Nwoke, Basic World Political Theories, Owerri: by Claretain Institute of Philosophy, 1998.

Nweke Eugene N., Ideology and Politics, Enugu: Published by PAQON (press) Services, 2004.

Nyerere, Julius “Requirement of African Unity”, Gideon Mutieso and S.W Rohio (Eds) in Readings in African Political Thought, Heinemann: educational Publication Ltd, 2007 “The intellectual Pan-African Unity”, Speech Delivered at the Department of language and Linguistics, Kenya: Enerton University, 1997.

Okolo Chukwudubem B., African Social and Political Philosophy, Selected Essays, Nsukka, Fulladu Publishing Co. 1993.

Osia Kopiya, A Guide to Geography, www.wikipedia.com, a free Encycolopedia, 2007.


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